Odmaraju se američki marinci, Guadalcanal

Odmaraju se američki marinci, Guadalcanal



We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Odmaraju se američki marinci, Guadalcanal

Američke trupe na Guadalcanalu.



Odmaraju se američki marinci, Guadalcanal - Historija

Na Guadalcanalu, marinci su se učvrstili nakon slijetanja 7. augusta, ali Japanci su izgradili svoje snage. Prvi jurišni bataljon i prvi padobranski bataljon opozvani su iz Tulagija i Gavutua i stavljeni u rezervu u blizini Hendersonovog polja Guadalcanal -a na punktu Lunga. Aerodrom, nazvan "nepotopivi nosač aviona", postao je fokus japanskih napada. Sve dok su savezničke eskadrile djelovale s aerodroma, mogli su koristiti zračne snage za zaštitu svojih konvoja i napadati japansko pojačanje.

Raidersi su testirali svoju specijaliziranu obuku izvevši dva napada u odbranu Hendersona. Prvi se dogodio na otoku Savo, gdje dvije Raider čete nisu naišle na neprijateljske vojnike. Drugi je bio u ključnoj japanskoj bazi opskrbe u Tasimboku. Učestvovali su i napadači i padobranci, a racija je postigla ogroman uspjeh: uništeno je nekoliko japanskih artiljerijskih komada i velika zaliha zaliha. Što je još važnije, pružila je obavještajne podatke koji su otkrili veličinu japanskih snaga koje su se približavale Hendersonovom polju.

Nakon racije, pukovnik Edson bio je uvjeren da će Japanci napasti Henderson s juga, koji je bio blago čuvan. Nakon savjetovanja s osobljem divizije, premjestio je svoje ljude (uključujući pridruženi 1. padobranski bataljon) na polomljen travnati greben sjever-jug oko milje od aerodroma. Greben je bio u obliku džinovske stonoge, sa nogama koje se pružaju sa svake strane. Edsonovi ljudi žurno su iskopali i nanizali svoju ograničenu zalihu bodljikave žice duž grebena. Kičma grebena pružala je grubu liniju razdvajanja. Padobranci su ukopani na istočnoj strani, a Raidersi na zapadnoj strani.

U sumrak 12. septembra 1942. godine, više od dvije hiljade japanskih vojnika, predvođenih general -majorom Kiyotakijem Kawaguchijem, ležalo je savijeno ispred Edsonovih 840 padobranaca i jurišnika. Proboj duž grebena rezultirao bi zauzimanjem desantnog pojasa i doveo do gubitka Guadalcanala, što je bio veliki udarac američkim ratnim naporima. Dok se Kawaguchi pripremao za napad, shvatio je da je samo jedan od njegovih bataljona stigao na dodijeljeno mjesto polijetanja i pokušao odgoditi napad, ali neispravna komunikacija spriječila ga je da prenese naredbu. Nakon bombardiranja japanskih krstarica i razarača, Japanci su pokrenuli komadne napade koji su izolirali nekoliko Raider vodova stacioniranih u blizini lagune sa strane grebena, prisiljavajući ih da se povuku. Do zore, Japanci su prekinuli napad i pregrupisali svoje snage u džungli oko travnatog svinja.

Edson je povukao svoju liniju unatrag duž grebena, natjeravši Japance da pređu otvoreno tlo. Kako je pao mrak, Japanci su ponovo krenuli naprijed s više ljudi, pogodivši desni bok kompanije B u blizini lagune. U 10:00 popodne, Kawaguchi je udario duž cijelog grebena, izvijajući središte morske linije. Šezdesetak napadača iz B kompanije, sada odsječenih i izloženih na oba boka, ipak su se održali mirno prije nego što je Edson naredio opće povlačenje do malog zavoja, posljednje obrambene pozicije prije Henderson Fielda. Tamo je oko tri stotine ljudi formiralo liniju u obliku potkove oko čvora kako bi postiglo konačan stav. Kad je nekoliko ljudi krenulo dalje prema stražnjem dijelu, policajci su ih okupili za posljednje stajalište, uzvikujući: "Nitko se ne miče, samo umrite u svojim rupama!"

Japanci su nastavili napredovanje, zaprijetivši da će obuhvatiti lijevo krilo grebena, ali su ih provjerile dvije čete padobranaca koje su krenule u hrabar protunapad. Morska artiljerija nastavila je uzimati danak napadačima, a ljudi su lopirali japanske granate. Oko 4:00 ujutro 14. septembra, Kawaguchi je izveo još dva napada na greben. Oboje su propali. Mala grupa japanskih vojnika je ipak stigla do zapadnog ruba aerodroma (Hendersonov prvi lovac), ali su ih ljudi iz Prvog inženjerijskog bataljona i satnije vratili nazad. Dawn je otkrio slomljena tijela sedam stotina japanskih napadača, zajedno s mnoštvom marinaca, na svinjaštvu marinaca prikladnog naziva Bloody Ridge. Ali Henderson Field ostao je u američkim rukama.

Više od polovine muškaraca iz Prvog padobranskog bataljona ranjeno je ili poginulo u akciji tokom njihovih mjesec i po borbi na Guadalcanalu. Ubrzo nakon bitke za greben, preživjeli su otišli na prijeko potreban odmor i infuziju zamjenskih trupa. Raidersi su izgubili 163 čovjeka na Bloody Ridgeu, ali bi izdržali još mjesec dana borbe.

Ne zadovoljavajući se time što je ostao u defanzivi, general Vandegrift pokušao je istjerati Japance sa zapadne strane rijeke Matanikau (nekoliko milja zapadno od Hendersona) gdje su jačali svoje snage. Područje je u kolovozu bilo bojište, a tri američka bataljona započela su drugu bitku kod Matanikaua napadom u posljednjoj sedmici septembra. Iscrpljenim jurišnicima pridružili su se 2. bataljon, 5. marinci. Pritisnuli bi Japance u blizini ušća Matanikaua, dok je većina 1. bataljona, 7. marinci izvršila amfibijski napad zapadnije na Point Cruz u pokušaju da prekinu potencijalno povlačenje Japanaca. Napad nije uspio kada su Raiders i 2. bataljon, 5. marinci naišli na oštro protivljenje japanske odbrane u blizini rijeke i morali su se povući. Dok je 1. bataljon, 7. marinac bio okružen i gotovo uništen nakon što je sletio, mnogi ljudi su sigurno evakuirani u mini-Dunkirku. Bio je to jedini poraz koji su marinci pretrpjeli tokom kampanje na Guadalcanal.

Obavještajni izvještaji ubrzo su sugerirali da se Japanci pripremaju za novu ofenzivu, a 7. oktobra 5. i 7. puk marinaca (svaki manje po jedan bataljon) i oslabljeni 1. jurišnici poslani su da se suoče s prijetnjom. Ova Treća bitka kod Matanikaua bila je uspjeh SAD -a: marinci su uništili japanski pješadijski puk i prekinuli njihovu ofenzivu zauzevši skupštinske i artiljerijske položaje na istočnoj obali Matanikaua.

Raidersi su 13. oktobra krenuli prevozom do Nove Kaledonije na odmor i pojačanje. Kampanja na Guadalcanalu uzela je veliki danak 1. jurišnom bataljonu. U transport će se ukrcati samo oko petsto ljudi iz prvobitne snage od oko devetsto bataljona.

Dana 4. novembra, odmorni 2. jurišni bataljon poslan je na Guadalcanal. Sletjeli su u zaljev Aola, četrdesetak kilometara istočno od polja Henderson. Zapovjedniku bataljona, pukovniku Evansu Carlsonu, naređeno je da progoni oko tri hiljade japanskih vojnika pod komandom pukovnika Shojija. Shojijev puk povukao se na istočni dio otoka nakon posljednje neuspjele japanske ofenzive na Henderson krajem oktobra. Marinske jedinice iz Henderson Fielda već su slijedile puk u povlačenju, a Carlsonov 2. jurišni bataljon poslan je da ga maltretira sa stražnje strane. Misija bi se zvala Duga patrola, dok su Raidersi mjesec dana hodali kroz kišnu šumu kupujući Shojija i otimajući njegovu jedinicu. Brojevi žrtava u bitkama bili su mali: poginulo je 488 japanskih vojnika, u usporedbi sa 16 napadača poginulih i 17 ranjenih. Brojke ne govore cijelu priču: dodatnih 225 napadača mučilo ih je malarija, dizenterija, denga groznica i druge bolesti.

S približavanjem 1943. godine borbe na otoku ušle su u novu fazu. Početkom decembra napustila se 1. marinska divizija, koju su zamijenile jedinice američke vojske. Drugi jurišnički bataljon uslijedio je 15. decembra, vraćajući se u Espritu Santo. Marinski korpus odobrio je formiranje dva nova Raider bataljona, 3. i 4., a četiri bataljona su na kraju smještena u dva Raider puka.

Morska elitna pješadija imala je ključnu ulogu u mnogim velikim bitkama na Guadalcanalu, prvom američkom uporištu na Pacifiku. Ipak, to je bio samo početak dugog putovanja na zapad, nažalost, to je bio posljednji koji su mnogi ljudi napravili.

Autorska prava i kopija 2002. Patrick O'Donnell. Sva prava zadržana. Konvertirano za web uz dopuštenje kompanije Simon & Schuster.


Život na Guadalcanalu

Unatoč nedostatku odgovarajuće prehrane i medicinskog materijala, širenju tropskih bolesti, stalnim neprijateljskim bombardiranjima i prijetnji da ih preplavi fanatični neprijatelj, američke snage zadržale su se na "Ostrvu smrti".

Za pješaka je kampanja na Guadalcanalu bila sinonim za bijedu. Amerikancima koji su imali nesreću služiti na ostrvu, posebno od avgusta do oktobra 1942., uskraćene su same osnove života kakvog poznajemo. Oni na kopnu suočili su se sa stalnom svakodnevnom bitkom života i smrti. Smrt bi na Guadalcanalu mogla nositi mnoga lica. Čovjek bi mogao biti oslabljen tropskim bolestima i neuhranjenošću jednako lako kao i smrt protiv neprijateljske vatre.

Nakon katastrofalnog poraza mornarice u kolovozu na otoku Savo, zalihe marinaca, ili barem velika većina njih, povučene su s otoka. Muškarci na kopnu ostali su bez dovoljnih medicinskih potrepština i vrlo malo vlastite hrane. Nakon što su dan nakon slijetanja brzo zauzeli aerodrom, marinci su zaplijenili velike zalihe japanskog pirinča. Pirinač je postao glavna stavka na jelovniku do početka novembra za marince na obali.

Kad bi nekoga pitali bilo kojeg ranog veterana kampanje o hrani, veteran bi gotovo sigurno spomenuo nedostatak hrane i stalne dnevne obroke riže zaražene crvima i crvima koje su im dali kuhari 1. marinske divizije, koji su jeli istu hranu neukusnih dve kašike obroka iz dana u dan. U kombinaciji sa vrućim i vlažnim vremenom, borbenim stresom i neodgovarajućom ishranom, muškarci su na obalu gubili težinu velikom brzinom. Marinci na kopnu, djeca Velike depresije, već su bili mršavi i ubrzo su postali sasvim mršavi. Nije bilo neuobičajeno da muškarci na Guadalcanalu izgube čak 40 kilograma zbog pothranjenosti i tropskih bolesti.

Vruće, vlažno vrijeme i vlažni teren džungle na Guadalcanalu stvorili su savršeno plodno tlo za bolesti. Oblaci komaraca koji prenose malariju bili su stalna prijetnja svakom čovjeku na obali. Muškarcima je naređeno da uzmu lijek protiv malarije nazvan Atabrine kako bi spriječili bolest. Kada se redovno uzima, Atabrin se pokazao donekle efikasnim. Međutim, među muškarcima su počele kružiti glasine da će ih uzimanje Atabrina učiniti sterilnima i učiniti seksualno impotentnima. Glasine su, naravno, bile neistinite, ali to nije promijenilo činjenicu da bi mnogi marinci ispljunuli malu žutu tabletu jednom izvan vidokruga mornaričkog vojnika koji ju je upravljao. Slučajevi malarije bili su rasprostranjeni na Guadalcanalu u jesen 1942. godine, toliko da je malarija postala neka vrsta časne značke među onima koji su služili na otoku. Procjenjuje se da je do otpuštanja divizije u decembru 1942. godine više od 8.000 ljudi Prve pomorske divizije imalo malariju. Tropske bolesti, od kojih je malarija jedna od mnogih, onesposobile su gotovo dvije trećine ovog odjeljenja. Rane uzrokovane neprijateljskom vatrom činile su samo jednu trećinu marinaca s invaliditetom na Guadalcanalu.

Još jedna neugodna svakodnevna pojava muškaraca na kopnu bila su japanska bombardovanja. Noću će Japanci granatirati položaje marinaca, ciljajući posebno na Henderson Field. Japanski razarači i krstarice slali bi granate po granate marincima, izazivajući ljude da se bore za zemunice i skloništa. Većina neprijateljskih granatiranja trajala je samo nekoliko minuta i bila je relativno nedjelotvorna - više je predstavljala smetnju marincima nego bilo što drugo. Taj se opis, međutim, nije mogao koristiti za japansko bombardiranje u noći 14. listopada 1942. Te su noći japanski bojni brodovi Haruna i Kongo uplovili u otvor i otvorili vatru na Henderson Field sa svojim 14-inčnim puškama. U 0133 sati borbena kola su otvorila vatru i sljedeća 83 minuta bacala 970 teških pomorskih granata na Henderson Field i okolicu. Dvotonske granate velike poput Volkswagen Bube razbile su se o položaje marinaca, tresući sve od zubnih plombi do emocija samih ljudi. Eksplozije su usisale zrak iz pluća, a potres mozga udario je nad drveće i srušio zemunice od kokosovog trupca. Ljudi su živi zakopani u sigurnim skloništima. Dok su fizičke žrtve bile blage kao posljedica granatiranja bojnog broda, mentalne su žrtve bile velike. Muškarci su izašli iz svojih zemunica snažno se tresući, širom otvorenih očiju, uši koje su krvarile, ne mogu ništa čuti niti vidjeti ravno. Potres mozga mnoge je ljude učinio bespomoćnima i dezorijentirani satima, pa čak i danima nakon napada. Veterani bitki na rijeci Tenaru i Bloody Ridge - koji su gledali smrti direktno u lice - svi su se prisjetili da je noć 14. oktobra bila najstrašnija noć u cijeloj kampanji.

Guadalcanal je bila kampanja za razliku od bilo koje druge na Pacifiku. Većina kampanja je obično bila nasilna, ali kratka. Cijela operacija zauzimanja Marijana 1944. godine trajala je pet mjeseci i uključivala je opsežne invazije na nekoliko ostrva okupiranih od neprijatelja. Kampanja na Guadalcanalu bila je usredsređena na jedno ostrvo i trajala je šest meseci. Za razliku od kasnijih kampanja koje su vodile stalnu, ako ne i stalnu borbu, Guadalcanal je obilježen dugim razdobljima potpune dosade. Japanski napadi na tlu mogli bi se dogoditi u razmacima od nekoliko sedmica ili čak mjeseci. Kako bi održali ljude u borbenoj formi (unatoč bolesti i nedostatku hrane), marinci su osnovali radne skupine koje su pokrivale sve, od čišćenja vatrenih polja i uspostavljanja novih obrambenih položaja do popunjavanja rupa koje su napravile neprijateljske granate i bombe na aerodromu. Uprkos tome što su bili van linije i teoretski udaljeni od neprijateljske vatre, ljudi u radnim grupama na Guadalcanalu i dalje su se u svakom trenutku suočavali sa smrću.

Usmena istorija Sida Phillipsa: Život na Guadalcanalu.

Slično njihovim noćnim mornaričkim granatiranjima, Japanci bi bombardirali Henderson Field gotovo svaki dan iz zraka. Obično su se vazdušni napadi sastojali od jednog ili dva aviona koji su činili smetnje u napadima radeći malo, ali praveći rupe za popunjavanje i rušenje slučajnog stabla. No povremeno su napadi bili koncentriraniji i smrtonosniji. Dana 12. septembra 1942. godine, radna grupa koju su činili ljudi iz 2. čete H čete 2. bataljona 1. marinaca radila je na dionici polja Henderson, punila kratere bombi i krpila pistu kada se oglasio alarm za vazdušni napad. Marinci su se popeli u skloništa samo kako bi vidjeli kako se pojavljuju dvije neprijateljske letjelice, izvršile su napad i na kraju ih odvezli američki borbeni avioni. Iznervirani prekidom, marinci su napustili svoja skloništa i vratili se na posao. (Nije bilo neuobičajeno da se alarm za zračni napad oglasi za minimalni ili fantomski napad. Ljudi bi se koprcali i čekali napad koji nikada nije došao. Što se to više događalo, marinci su postajali samozadovoljniji. Alarmi za zračne napade bi vrisak i marinci bi se polako, ako je ikako, kretali prema svojim skloništima.) Kasnije popodne, nakon što su završili svoj posao, marinci iz H čete počeli su se filtrirati prema svojim redovima i pripremati se za noćnu odbranu. Frank Pomroy, mladi veteran 37 -milimetarski topnik iz bitke na rijeci Tenaru, šetao je putem uz aerodrom sa jednim od svojih najboljih prijatelja, Jamesom Manginom. Pomroy i Mangin su se istog dana, 4. januara 1942, prijavili u marince i obojica su iz Massachusettsa - Pomroy iz Danversa i Mangin iz Pittsfielda. Njih dvojica su zajedno prošli kamp za obuku i, srećom, obojica su bili raspoređeni u istu četu sa mitraljescima. Muškarci su bili nerazdvojni, jedan se obično nije nalazio bez drugog u blizini. Tog dana su zajedno radili na popunjavanju kratera na aerodromu i oboje su se razišli kad je začuo raniji vazdušni napad.

Sada, kad se popodne pretvorilo u večer, dva marinca hodala su pistom natrag prema džungli. "Upravo smo pričali o kući kada smo čuli da se ponovo aktivirao alarm za vazdušni napad", rekao je Pomroy. "Pobjegao sam i zamolio Jima da uđe." Pomroy je punom brzinom potrčao do najbližeg skloništa, ali Mangin, bez brige oko alarma, nije. "Pretpostavljam da je previše čuo alarm i mislio je da nema razloga za brigu", rekao je Pomroy. "Nije trčao." Za razliku od napada ranije danas, ovaj je bio ozbiljna prijetnja. Nekoliko japanskih bombardera pojavilo se iznad polja i bacilo teret. Pomroy se približavao skloništu kad je palo prvih nekoliko bombi, pa je zaronio prema sigurnosti, pokrivajući glavu rukama dok su bombe eksplodirale oko njega. Bombardovanje se brzo završilo. Kad se prašina raščistila, Pomroy je ustao i počeo tražiti prijatelja. Našao ga je izvaljenog po pisti, mrtvog. U službenom izvješću Korpusa marinaca ne navodi se uzrok smrti, ali se vjerovatno radi o potresu mozga od niza bombi koje je bacio japanski avion. Mangin, umoran od svakodnevnog posla i nezabrinut zbog alarma za vazdušni napad zbog toliko lažnih alarma, nije uspio potražiti pokriće onoliko koliko je trebao. Daleko od linija fronta, veteran bitke na rijeci Tenaru osjećao se sigurnim od neprijateljske vatre. Ipak, naišao je na pretpostavljenu relativnu sigurnost aerodroma. "Bio sam shrvan", rekao je Pomroy. “Odnijela sam njegovo tijelo u bolnicu i sahranili smo ga sljedećeg dana na divizijskom groblju. Često sam ga posjećivao. I mislim na njega do danas. ”

Posmrtni ostaci Jamesa Francisa Mangina uklonjeni su s Guadalcanala 1947. godine i ponovo sahranjeni na groblju Punchbowl na Oahuu na Havajima.

Život na Guadalcanalu ponekad bi mogao biti obilježen čistim terorom i potpunom dosadom podijeljenom na samo nekoliko sekundi. Pod stalnom prijetnjom napada i neprijatelja i majke prirode, mladi marinci, a uskoro i njihovi drugovi u vojsci, fizički su oslabljeni, ali nikada psihički. Uprkos nedostatku odgovarajuće ishrane i medicinskog materijala, širenju tropskih bolesti, stalnim neprijateljskim bombardovanjima i prijetnji da ih preplavi fanatični neprijatelj, Amerikanci su nastavili držati ostrvo koje Japanci sada nazivaju "Ostrvo smrti" tokom mjeseca septembra i u oktobru. Koliko god da je bilo teško kroz avgust i septembar, oktobar se pokazao kao prekretnica u kampanji i odlučio je jednom zauvijek da kontroliše ostrvo.

Frank Pomroy, na fotografiji tokom njegovog usmenoistorijskog intervjua sa Nacionalnim muzejom Drugog svjetskog rata 2005.


Izgubljeni marinci na Guadalcanalu - U potrazi za ostacima vojnika ubijenih u Drugom svjetskom ratu

MAURICE RAPHAEL nije mogao skinuti misli s brda mrtvih ljudi.

“Saw Ausili die, ” napisao je u svom dnevniku. “Louis Kovacs je bio mrtav, ali još uvijek topao. Harland Swart, Carlson, Potocki, Doucette, Waterstraw ... svi su bili mrtvi ... upucani u pakao i nazad .... Vidio sam Jacka Hollanda, vođu 2. voda, pogođenog u rame. Henry Loughman je pogođen u prepone i umro ... Pronašao sam Crosbyjevo tijelo. Jadnik, nikad nije znao šta ga je snašlo. ​​” [1]

Raphael, potporučnik koji je služio u četi B, Prvog bataljona, peti marinci, preživio je 1. novembar 1942. godine, prvi dan obnovljene ofenzive preko rijeke Matanikau na Guadalcanalu. Samo 39 pripadnika njegovog bataljona nije imalo tu sreću, a još troje će ipak umrijeti od rana koje su zadobijene tog krvavog dana. Četa C je preuzela teret mnogih žrtava u vodu koji je vodio Raphaelov prijatelj#2217, 2Lt. David H. Crosby, Jr. Oko 08:30 sati, odred je naišao na japansko uporište skriveno u klisuri i sažvakano je od strane vatrene ograde koja suši, ” prema 2Lt. Gerard T. Armitage. [2] Rezerve, uključujući 2Lt. Rafaelov vod#8217 stigao je na mjesto događaja u 1000 sati, očistili su preživjele branitelje, ali su bili zapanjeni pokoljem koji su izvršili njihovi prijatelji. “To je bio najtužniji i najstrašniji prizor koji sam vidio u životu, "#rekao je Raphael. [3]

Kao i u svakom sukobu na Guadalcanalu, nakon što su meci prestali letjeti i ranjenici su se sigurno vraćali natrag u poljske bolnice, pažnja se usmjerila na raspored mrtvih. Preživjelima je bilo važno da brzo prikupe tijela. Raspadanje počinje brzo u džungli, a očigledne sanitarne opasnosti koje je ovo predstavljalo-a da ne govorimo o učinku uništavanja morala na prijatelje pokojnika-značile su da se, kad god je to izvedivo, sahrana obavila što je prije moguće. Prečesto je to značilo sahranjivanje na polju, a ne na ostrvskom groblju.

Naređenje izdano prije iskrcavanja marinaca na Guadalcanal određuje da će se, kad god je to moguće, izbjeći izolirano sahranjivanje. ” Ovo naređenje, koje se lako slijedilo kada su se smrtni slučajevi dogodili na maloj udaljenosti od oboda, bilo je izazovnije izvršiti na bilo kojoj značajnoj udaljenosti bio uključen. [4] Međutim, praktično iskustvo ubrzo je pokazalo da je evakuacija mrtvih s mjesta udaljenih sukoba - uglavnom borbenih patrola, ili rijetkih slučajeva u kojima marinci nisu uspjeli ustrajati - bila izuzetno teška, ako ne i nemoguća.

Desetine izoliranih sahrana - “izoliranih ” što je izraz za bilo koju grupu od manje od 12 tijela - i malih groblja niknulo je oko ovih udaljenih ratišta. Namjeravali su biti strogo privremeni. Grobovi su iskopani na vidljivim mjestima uz staze ili drvorede i označeni domaćim križevima ili kacigama na štapovima. Policajci su dali sve od sebe da ta mjesta zabilježe na sirove karte. Prevladavalo je uvjerenje da će se neko vratiti po tijelo nakon što se bitka završi. Čak i u slučajevima kada je marince trebalo ostaviti nepokopane, njihove posljednje poznate lokacije zabilježene su kako bi pomogle u kasnijim pretragama.

2. novembra 1942. Prvi bataljon počeo je prikupljati svoje mrtve. Od 39 smrtnih slučajeva prijavljenih prethodnog dana, devet je sahranjeno na groblju 1. marinske divizije. Neki od njih su umrli od rana na putu do bolnice, dva su bili drugi policajci, uključujući 2Lt. Crosby. Ostatak - 30 prijavljenih muškaraca - svi su pokopani na terenu. Za svakog čovjeka zabilježena je ista lokacija: “Oko 400 metara zapadno od Point Cruza, oko 600 metara od mora, na otoku Guadalcanal. ” Trideset oznaka na malom području moralo je biti prizor koji je zaokupio - i , moglo bi se pretpostaviti, vrlo vidljivo. Ipak, do danas je locirano samo sedam ovih marinaca, a tačna lokacija ostalih ostaje misterija.

Privremena priroda ovih izoliranih ukopa ponekad je djelovala protivno kasnijem pronalaženju. U gotovo svim slučajevima na Guadalcanalu, ljudi koji su sahranjivali bili su borbene trupe koje nisu obučene za pojedinosti o registraciji grobova. [5] Mjesta ukopa bila su nepravilno ili nepotpuno označena, iskopana suviše plitko ili preduboko ili su smještena blizu potoka ili rijeka. Oni su riskirali oštećenje ili uništenje daljnjom borbom, traženjem životinja, prirodnim događajima i povremenim skrnavljenjem od strane neprijatelja.

Guadalcanal je proglašen sigurnim 9. februara 1943. godine, nekoliko dana kasnije, američka vojska je očistila ostrvo u potrazi za izoliranim grobovima, uključujući i marince ubijene na početku bitke. To što groblje Prvog bataljona - koje je bilo relativno blizu vruće osporavanog aerodroma - nije otkriveno sugerira da su postavljeni markeri oštećeni ili uništeni u kasnijim borbama.

Guadalcanal je kasnije postao masovna baza opskrbe, kao i poligon za povremene izlaske na manevre ili traženje suvenira nabasali su na izolirane grobove. Kada se to dogodilo, tim za registraciju grobova bio bi poslan da unese tijela.

18. marta 1944. izvještaj o sahranama uključivao je narednika. Louis P. Kovacs, narednik Harland P. Swart, Jr., Cpl. Terrence J. Reynolds, Jr., Pvt. Albert E. Ausili, i jedan “neidentificirani ” - kasnije je utvrđeno da je Pvt. Austin W. Pollock. [6] Tih pet muškaraca bili su jedini pronađeni na tom mjestu sve do KPP -a. William F. Wheeler otkriven je 10. septembra 1945.

Godine 1947., 604. kormilarska kompanija za registraciju grobova američke vojske pokrenula je ekspediciju na Solomonska ostrva u potrazi za neotkrivenim mrtvima. Iako naoružan svim dostupnim informacijama, napori su uglavnom bili uzaludni.

Druga ekspedicija 1949. udvostručila je napore, pretražujući hiljade kvadratnih metara oko Point Cruza. No, čak i uz pomoć lokalnih vodiča, uspjeli su.

Nađena su dva grobna mjesta za grupe, ali samo jedno marinsko - Pvt. Lawrence F. Keane - identificirano je da je za ostale kosti utvrđeno da su japanske. Keane je bio posljednji od ljudi iz Prve bojne. Godine 1949. ostatak je klasificiran kao trajno neopoziv.

Analiza mapa perioda, snimaka iz vazduha i satelitskih snimaka istraživanja Davea R. Hollanda pomogla je u sužavanju potencijalnih lokacija davno izgubljenog groblja. Između para grebena koji su se nekad zvali Brda 84 i 78 prolazi uska jaruga-dobro utabana staza u pejzažu razbijenom borbama oko Point Cruza.

Suočeni s desetinama mrtvih, i s drugom akcijom koja se sprema na Koli Pointu, marinci su možda odabrali ovo relativno mirno mjesto da sahrane svoje pale prijatelje, nadajući se da će se vratiti za nekoliko dana ili sedmica. Umjesto toga, 23 marinaca su nestala, što je tragična fusnota u povijesti Guadalcanala.

PFC John Monaco
Pvt. Charles H. Ludwig

Cpl. Frederick J. Carlson
Cpl. Alvin A. Tarant
PFC Owen W. Craddock
PFC Robert M. Eastburn
PFC Fred A. Foxworthy
PFC Christopher Waterstraw
Pvt. Arthur Doucette
Pvt. Joseph E. Goulet
Pvt. William B. Hall
Pvt. Matthew J. Kirchner
Pvt. Andrew McConnell
Pvt. Theodore A. Potocki
Pvt. William F. Seiverling
Pvt. Bela Varga
Pvt. Lee J. Weiss

Kompanija D
Cpl. Lewis R. Robarts
PFC Joseph P. Corriggio
Pvt. Anthony Antonoglou
Pvt. Frank W. Lawton
Pvt. Joseph J. Seymour
Pvt. Thomas C. White

O AUTORU: Autor je Geoffrey Roecker Ostavljajući Mac iza sebe: izgubljeni marinci na Guadalcanalu, objavio Casemate. Kad ne istražuje vojnu povijest, Geoffrey je digitalni copywriter sa sjedištem u New Jerseyju.

[1] Maurice Raphael, zapis iz dnevnika citiran u 124 Cong. Rec. 37896 (1978).

[2] Gerard T. Armitage, “ Izjava o smrti poručnika Crosbyja, ” Carlisle Sentinel (Carlisle, PA), 15. aprila 1943. 9.

[4] 1. pomorska divizija, "Cirkular 6a-42 divizije: Uprava osoblja", 10. jula,

1942 (Arhiva marinskog korpusa, Quantico, VA).

[5] Zapravo, Korpus marinaca nije imao uspostavljen protokol za obuku muškaraca za registraciju grobnica u ovom trenutku rata. Ad-hoc jedinica upravljala je grobljem sve dok nije stiglo intendantura vojske da preuzme vlast. Povjesničar Edward Steere spominjao je registraciju grobnica u ovom razdoblju kao "domorodački rast", improviziran izričito u svrhu zadovoljavanja niza lokalnih hitnih slučajeva. ” Za detaljnu analizu, pogledajte Steere, Služba registracije grobova u Drugom svjetskom ratu (Washington: Štamparija Vlade Sjedinjenih Država, 1951).

[6] Pollock je identificiran iz “Nepoznatog X-90 ” 1951. godine. Pronađeni su posmrtni ostaci dvojice drugih muškaraca s njegovim posmrtnim ostacima koji su trenutno označeni “X-91A ” i “X-91B ” i mislili su da su japanski vojnici.


Baza podataka Drugog svjetskog rata

Jeste li uživali u ovoj fotografiji ili vam je ova fotografija pomogla? Ako je tako, razmislite o podršci na Patreonu. Čak će i 1 USD mjesečno biti dug put! Hvala ti.

Podijelite ovu fotografiju sa svojim prijateljima:

  • »1.102 biografije
  • »334 događaja
  • »38.814 unosa na vremenskoj traci
  • »1.144 broda
  • »339 modela aviona
  • »191 model vozila
  • »354 modela oružja
  • »120 istorijskih dokumenata
  • »226 objekata
  • »464 recenzija knjiga
  • »27.591 fotografija
  • »359 karata

"Pitate li, koji je naš cilj? Mogu da vam odgovorim jednom rečju. To je pobjeda. Pobjeda po svaku cijenu. Pobjeda uprkos svim strahotama. Pobjeda, koliko god put bio dug i naporan, jer bez pobjede nema preživljavanja. "

Bazu podataka Drugog svjetskog rata osnovao je i upravljao C. Peter Chen iz Lava Development, LLC. Cilj ove stranice je dvojak. Prvo, cilj mu je ponuditi zanimljive i korisne informacije o Drugom svjetskom ratu. Drugo, to je pokazati tehničke mogućnosti Lave.


Armijski start za ovog marinca

John Basilone rođen je 1916. u Buffalu, New York. Njegov put u rat počeo je kao vojnik u američkoj vojsci 1934. Poslan je na Filipine radi trogodišnje regrutacije. Dok je bio stacioniran u Manili, čovjek koji se volio boriti postao je bokserski šampion.

Kad mu je vrijeme u vojsci završilo, Basilone se vratio kući samo da bi otkrio da civilni život nije baš onakav kakvim ga se sjećao. Neko je vrijeme radio kao vozač kamiona, ali nedostajao mu je Pacifik. Na sreću američkog korpusa marinaca, Basilone je vjerovao da će to biti najbrži put do Filipina, pa se prijavio 1940.

Na nesreću Japanaca, Basilone je dodijeljen Dogovoj četi, 1. bataljonu 7. marinaca na Guadalcanalu. Otkako su ostrvo oduzeli saveznicima krajem 1941. godine, Japanci su započeli izgradnju aerodroma koji je mogao ugroziti Australiju.


Bitka za Guadalcanal bila je marinci SAD -a#039 najgora noćna mora

Borbeni veterani marine govore sve o opasnom i smrtonosnom poslu u nekim od najtežih ratnih borbi.

Evo što trebate zapamtiti: Dana 6. kolovoza 1942., ljudi 1. pomorske divizije američkog general -majora Alexandera Vandegrifta gledali su s ograda kako njihovo vojničko brodovanje, USS George F. Elliott, plovi u vode sjeverno od Guadalcanala na Solomonskim otocima u južnom Pacifiku. Došli su od Japanaca da zauzmu poluzavršeni aerodrom na ostrvu Lunga Point prije nego što je postao operativan. Uz aerodrom u Guadalcanalu, Japanci bi mogli bombardirati brodske trake do Australije i prigušiti kontinent, izlažući Australiju riziku od japanske invazije.

Među hiljadama vojnika nervoznih od iščekivanja bitke koja slijedi, bila su i četiri marinca iz čete H, 2. bataljona, 1. puka marinaca - Jim Young, Sid Phillips, Roy Gerlach i Art Pendleton - odjeveni u svoje čelične šljemove i zeleni pamuk -uništit će uniformu (poznate marinzasto-zelene maskirne uniforme marinaca još nisu bile izdane). Ovo je njihova priča.

"Ovo je bila prava stvar."

Jim Young: “Probudili smo se oko tri ujutro 7. avgusta 1942. godine, na dan kada smo se trebali boriti s Japancima. Doručak je bio u 5:00 ujutro. Hrana je bila biftek i jaja. Nakon jela, što je bilo teško učiniti, popeli smo se na palubu da gledamo bombardovanje Guadalcanala. Bilo je nevjerojatno, a buka je bila užasna! Većina nas je bila uplašena i zbunjena. Nismo se mogli ni čuti bez vikanja.

“Dobili smo naređenje da idemo dolje i pripremimo sve za iskrcavanje. More je bilo uzburkano i opasno. Zbog valova, čamci su padali šest do 10 stopa, baš kad su ljudi bili spremni ući u njih. Ili ako čamac nije pao, počeo je bučati. Između desantnog broda i bočne strane broda zgnječen je čovjek. Mnogi momci su na taj način povrijeđeni.

“Jedan od ljudi iz moje posade oružja, marinac, ušao je u desantni brod i stavio je ruku na šinu letjelice kad su naši žičari izjavili da spuštaju metalne zavojnice komunikacijske žice s broda. Linija se prekinula i teški svitak žice udario ga je u ruku i puknuo. Ponovo su ga podigli na brod.

„Bilo je vrijeme za odlazak. Svi motori na desantnom brodu su svi tutnjili punim gasom. Ulazili smo i svi su bili nervozni. ”

Sid Phillips: “Na krmi svakog desantnog broda vijorila se zastava. Pogledao sam zastave sa strane, a moj prijatelj Carl Ransom je radio istu stvar. Mogao si ih vidjeti cijeli niz. Izgledalo je kao da su stigli do kraja svijeta. Imam knedlu u grlu. Ransom je takođe. Dok je brisao oči, rekao je: ‘Taj slani sprej tjera vam oči na suze, zar ne?’

“We had never had that happen before, never in training, and I never saw it [a U.S. flag on every landing craft] happen again after that. They were too good a target. A big old red, white, and blue thing like that shouts, ‘Here I am! Here I am!’ Our Colonel Cates [Clifton B. Cates, CO of the 1st Marine Regiment] was a very patriotic Marine. If there was an order given to fly a flag on every landing craft, I’m sure Cates gave that order.

“I noticed that morning how everybody’s cartridge belt was full and bulging. You could see the shiny brass cartridges here and there in the belt. You had two clips of five rounds in each of those pockets. When we had made practice landings in the Fiji Islands, they never issued any live ammunition. We made the landings with empty, flat, cartridge belts. They didn’t want some idiot firing his rifle into someone. Things were different now. This was the real deal.

“When we came ashore at Guadalcanal, we were in that landing craft where the front end would drop down…. We had the front ramp because otherwise we couldn’t get that mortar out of the boat. We were expecting a life-and-death struggle with hand-to-hand combat on the beach. When the ramp went down, we found our guys on the beach laughing at us and opening coconuts. We came out of the landing craft ready to fight and they just laughed. They had done the same thing a few minutes before. There were no Japs in our vicinity at all.”

Roy Gerlach: “I didn’t go in on the first wave. I was a mortar man assigned to the mortar platoon, but I spent a lot of time as a cook. In the Marine Corps, you were assigned to the job you were supposed to do, and then if you could do something else, you did that, too. Whenever there was action, I was on the mortars. But if they needed a cook, well, I did that, too….

“I don’t remember much about coming in to the beach. There were no Japs there. They’d all taken off to the hills. Right away we found all these coconuts. They fell out of the trees. We took our bayonets, bored holes in the coconuts, and drank the milk. But it made the guys sick. Too much fresh milk, I guess.”

“The heat was so oppressive.”

Sid Phillips: “All the first day we struggled through the jungle to reach a hill called the Grassy Knoll, a mile inland. We had no good maps for Guadalcanal at all. They had some maps drawn up by some Australian people who had been on Guadalcanal. These crude maps were named by the Australians. They even had the names mixed up for the Tenaru and Ilu Rivers.

“So the game plan was to go to the Grassy Knoll and get the high ground. The thing that stands out so clear in my memory was the heat, the incredible heat in the jungle, with no breeze. And we had just come from winter in New Zealand, so it was a severe climate change. We just griped and bitched. In that jungle, it’s so hot, and you’re carrying a 60-pound pack when you come ashore. Extra ammunition, packs of food for four days, a change of clothing. You drop your bedding and keep going. The heat was so oppressive.

“We were issued one canteen then. We’d been taught water discipline. You were only supposed to take small sips of water and roll the water around in your mouth before you swallowed. You were never supposed to guzzle water. Everybody nearly died of thirst that first day. We ate crackers, cans of hash—there was no water in the food it just dried you out more and made you more thirsty. At the end of the first day, we were exhausted, halfway up the Grassy Knoll. They told us to lie down where we were, dig a foxhole, shut up, and go to sleep. So we did.”

Jim Young: “When morning came, we were ordered back to the beach to set up defenses in an effort to repel any Jap attempt to land. One of our lieutenants was bitten in the face by a scorpion during the night. He had swollen up so much that he was completely blind and had to be led by the hand on the long march back to the beach.

“As we approached the beach, about 10 Japanese torpedo bombers skimmed the water and headed for the convoy. They were so low we could see the faces of the pilots and the big red meatballs on their wings. They did not care about us on the beach. They went straight for the convoy of ships. One plane headed directly for our ship, the Elliott. It crashed into the water first and bounced up and slammed into the ship.”

Roy Gerlach: “We didn’t have no galley for the first three or four weeks because our cooking equipment sunk with the Elliott. I wasn’t on the ship then, but I saw it all. Most of the troops were on shore by then. But the unloading of the ship wasn’t done yet. There was one shipman I knew on the Elliott. He always used to say, ‘I’m gonna be here when you go, and I’ll be here when you get back.’ He wasn’t.”

Sid Phillips: “People ask me when we first contacted the enemy. We were strafed by enemy planes almost immediately on Guadalcanal. You dig a foxhole and try to dig it as deep as you can, just try to bury yourself with the earth. The strafing never ended on Guadalcanal. They were always coming in, bombarding us. We considered that contact with the enemy.”

Jim Young: “The Jap Zeros would come swooping over us. I could actually see the pilots, the faces in those airplanes. You could see them turn their heads and look down at you. Sometimes they were grinning.”

“The Savo sea battle was like watching a summer storm from a beach.”


7. Marines served in the European and African Theaters of World War II.

Marines training on Parris Island, 1942. (Credit: Universal History Archive/UIG via Getty Images)

The Marines of World War II are best known for their island hopping campaign in the Pacific at battles such as Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Iwo Jima and Okinawa, but they also had a small presence in the war’s other theaters. A Marine brigade occupied Iceland during the early stages of the war, and Marines later served as advisors and trainers during British and American amphibious operations in Africa and Europe. During the Normandy invasion, Marine sharpshooters used their rifles to detonate floating mines and clear the way for Navy ships. At least 50 members of the Corps also served as intelligence agents and saboteurs for the Office of Strategic Services. They included Colonel Peter J. Ortiz, who parachuted into Nazi-occupied France and was later twice awarded the Navy Cross for his efforts in aiding the Resistance. All told, roughly 6,000 Marines took part in the European and African Theaters in some capacity during the war.

FACT CHECK: We strive for accuracy and fairness. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! HISTORY reviews and updates its content regularly to ensure it is complete and accurate.


Who would win a dogfight between a Flogger and a Phantom?

Posted On January 28, 2019 18:39:21

Sure, we all know about the F-16 Falcon, the F-15 Eagle, the Su-27 Flanker, the MiG-29 Fulcrum… all those modern planes.

But in the 1970s and the early 1980s, the mainstays of the tactical air forces on both sides of the Iron Curtain were the Phantom in the west and the Flogger in the east.

The F-4 Phantom was arguably a “Joint Strike Fighter” before JSFs were cool. The United States Air Force, United States Navy, United States Marine Corps, Royal Air Force, Fleet Air Arm, West German Air Force, and numerous other countries bought the F-4.

According to Globalsecurity.org, the F-4 could carry four AIM-7 Sparrows, four AIM-9 Sidewinders, and the F-4E had an internal cannon. The plane could carry over 12,000 pounds of ordnance.

Photo: Wikimedia

Like the F-4, the MiG-23 was widely exported — and not just to Warsaw Pact militaries. It was also sold to Soviet allies across the world — from Cuba to North Korea. It could carry two AA-7 radar-guided missiles, four AA-8 infra-red guided missiles, and had a twin 23mm cannon.

Globalsecurity.org notes that the Flogger can carry up to 4,400 pounds of ordnance (other sources credit the Flogger with up to 6,600 pounds of ordnance).

Both planes have seen a lot of combat over their careers. That said, the MiG-23’s record has been a bit more spotty.

According to the Air Combat Information Group, at least 33 MiG-23s of the Syrian Air Force were shot down by the Israeli Air Force since the end of 1973. Of that total, 25 took place in the five-day air battle known as the Bekaa Valley Turkey Shoot. The total number of confirmed kills for the MiG-23s in service with the Syrian Air Force against the Israelis in that time period is five.

ACIG tallied six air-to-air kills by Israeli F-4s in that same timeframe (Joe Baugher noted 116 total air-to-air kills by the Israelis in the Phantom), with four confirmed air-to-air losses to the Syrians. That said, it should be noted that by the late 1970s, the F-4 had been shifted to ground-attack missions, as Israel had acquired F-15s and F-16s.

An air-to-air right side view of a Soviet MiG-23 Flogger-G aircraft with an AA-7 Apex air-to-air missile attached to the outer wing pylon and an AA-8 Aphid air-to-air missile on the inner wing pylon. (From Soviet Military Power 1985)

There is one other measure to judge the relative merits of the F-4 versus the MiG-23. The F-4 beats the MiG-23 in versatility. The MiG-23 primarily specialized in air-to-air combat. They had to create another version — the MiG-23BN and later the MiG-27 — to handle ground-attack missions.

In sharp contrast to the specialization of various Flogger designs, the F-4 handled air-to-air and ground-attack missions – often on the same sortie. To give one example, acepilots.com notes that before Randy “Duke” Cunningham engaged in the aerial action that resulted in three kills on May 10, 1972 – and for which he was awarded the Navy Cross – he dropped six Rockeye cluster bombs on warehouses near the Hai Dong rail yards.

In short, if the Cold War had turned hot during the 1970s, the F-4 Phantom would have probably proven itself to be the better airplane than the MiG-23 Flogger. If anything shows, it is the fact that hundreds of Phantoms still flew in front-line service in the early 21st Century.

Even though the F-4 had retired in 1996, it still flew unmanned missions until this month.

The MiG-23 just can’t match the Phantom.

MIGHTY MONEY

Going Long: The 2nd Marine Raiders’ Legendary March Across Guadalcanal

Local guides accompany the 2nd Raiders as they pursue Japanese forces across Guadalcanal in November 1942.

B onfires lit the beaches of Aola Bay on Guadalcanal’s northeast shore as two companies of the 2nd Marine Raider Battalion splashed ashore before dawn on November 4, 1942.

The Raiders—led by Lieutenant Colonel Evans F. Carlson—were joining U.S. Army and Marine Corps ground forces under the command of Marine Major General Alexander Vandegrift in the battle for the largest of the Solomon Islands—then raging for nearly three months. American units controlled a knobby headland at Lunga Point, where they seized a Japanese airstrip, christening it Henderson Field after Major Lofton Henderson, a Marine flier killed at Midway. Now Vandegrift wanted to expand the Americans’ toehold on Guadalcanal with a second airstrip east of Aola Bay.


After a near-disastrous raid at Makin Atoll in August 1942, Lieutenant Colonel Evans F. Carlson saw on Guadalcanal an opportunity for redemption.

Carlson’s 2nd Raiders were to secure the beachhead for the arrival of naval construction workers and army garrison troops, then leave aboard supply and transport ships. But as the battalion was setting foot on the island, Japanese destroyers landed 1,500 reinforcements halfway between Lunga Point and Aola, and the 2nd Raiders’ mission took a sharp turn. Vandegrift deployed Marine and army units to ambush the new Japanese arrivals, and ordered Carlson’s Raiders to mop up enemy soldiers who managed to escape the trap. Then the Raiders were to clear areas of enemy activity west of the Henderson Field perimeter. It was a straight-line distance of just over 18 miles, but the men would not be traveling in a straight line over open terrain. Instead, they would be forced to hack their way through dense, unforgiving jungle foliage in extreme heat.

On November 6, the Raiders, accompanied by 150 native scouts and porters, set out for the Bokokimbo River in a snaking, mile-long line. Rolling coastal hills and plains gave way to condensed, dark green jungle interspersed with sunbaked clearings. Beyond the jungle loomed a jagged blue-green spine of volcanic peaks, some towering nearly 8,000 feet. The Bokokimbo was 10 miles away, but the men’s heavy packs and the thick “wait-a-minute vines,” razor-sharp kunai grass, swollen creeks, and muddy swamps slowed their progress. The Raiders covered only five miles that day, prompting their lean, hawk-faced commander to take the lead and accelerate the pace. Evans Carlson was an impatient man and he had much to prove—for himself and for his Marine Raiders.

IN THE TRADITION-BOUND Marine Corps, Carlson was an iconoclast and an anomaly, a tactical theorist with a literary and philosophical bent, and possessed an unusual circle of acquaintances. During a military tour as an American language and intelligence officer in China in the late 1930s, Carlson was an observer with Mao Zedong’s Eighth Route Army as they outfoxed the Japanese. He was intrigued by their emphasis on small unit tactics and flexible, guerrilla-style raids. He admired how the Communists stripped away most of the distinctions between officers and enlisted men and, after battles, did not mistreat their prisoners. From his experience, Carlson adapted an ethos he called “Gung Ho”—an Anglicization of Chinese for “work” and “together.”

When the Commandant of the Marine Corps, Lieutenant General Thomas Holcomb, created the Marine Raiders in February 1942, he tapped Carlson to command 2nd Battalion. Carlson incorporated Gung Ho into their regimen and adopted a Spartan lifestyle for his Raiders. He instructed his men not only kako to fight, but to understand zašto they fought. He also emphasized a Darwinian approach to leadership—any officer who failed to meet Carlson’s standards would be swiftly relieved of command.

Carlson put the 2nd Raiders to the test at Makin Atoll in August 1942, but the unit had underperformed and the mission had come close to failure. Intended as a swift guerrilla-style strike to divert the Japanese from the American invasion at Guadalcanal, the action instead devolved into a conventional firefight, with Carlson reacting to the enemy rather than seizing the initiative. The Raiders made repeated attempts to evacuate the island amidst chaos, with waves swamping many of their rubber landing craft, stripping them of weapons, supplies, and even clothes. In those uneasy hours, an exhausted Carlson overestimated the enemy presence. He dispatched terms of surrender to the Japanese commander, but the messenger was killed before delivering the note. And when the Raiders finally made it off the atoll, during the pandemonium of their escape they unintentionally left behind nine men, whom the Japanese captured and later beheaded. “The way it ended up,” recalled B Company Private Ben Carson, “It was damn near ‘every man for himself.’”

Desperate for heroes and good news, the American public celebrated the Makin Raid as a victory and greeted the exhausted Raiders as conquering heroes. But Admiral Chester W. Nimitz later criticized Carlson, especially for entertaining the notion of surrender. And Carlson himself was all too aware that the reality of the Makin Raid was far from what the public envisioned.

Now, three months later, with Vandegrift’s open-ended orders to find, pursue, and destroy Japanese forces on Guadalcanal, Carlson saw an opportunity for redemption—a chance to validate his unorthodox, idiosyncratic Gung Ho doctrine, get 2nd Raiders back on track, and maneuver on his terms to find and destroy the enemy.

ON NOVEMBER 7, the Raiders’ long column reached a deserted riverside village littered with empty Japanese ration boxes and cigarette packs. Carlson halted, posted sentries, and permitted his men to bathe. That afternoon, they heard rifle fire echo across the Bokokimbo River. The Raiders grabbed their weapons and waded across the neck-deep water. There, they surprised Japanese foragers. Three or four fled, but the Marines killed two. “They’d killed a hog for dinner,” remembered C Company Raider Darrell Loveland. “Of course we left them in the jungle and roasted the hog.”

Starting the next day, the Raider column bent northwest to Binu, the westernmost of the villages still occupied by locals. Carlson established base camp there to await the remainder of his battalion—the B, D, and F Companies, who hiked overnight through torrential rain to link up with Carlson’s command group on November 10. The Raider force, now totaling about 600 men in five companies, was just three miles east of where 1,000 Japanese were reported to be retreating south along the Metapona River.

On the dawn of November 11, Carlson assigned four patrols to scour the Metapona from Asamana, a village northward to the coast. The patrols would fan out ahead of his command group, arrayed laterally south to north. He believed the formation would give him maximum flexibility to meet threats as they arose.

Soon after 10 a.m., the southernmost patrol, Captain Harold Throneson’s C Company, stumbled into a wooded enemy bivouac, killing about two dozen Japanese. However the enemy recovered quickly, pinning down the Marines with rifle, machine gun, and mortar fire. Recalled C Company’s Loveland: “They had us in a hurting position.”

Throneson radioed his situation to Binu base camp, and Carlson sniffed an opportunity: with the Japanese force engaged with C Company, he could swing one of his other companies around the distracted enemy forces. He ordered Captain Charles McAuliffe’s D Company to move toward Throneson’s men while Captain Richard Washburn’s E Company maneuvered south and hit the Japanese from the rear.

One of Washburn’s platoon commanders in E Company was Carlson’s son— 1st Lieutenant Evans C. Carlson, who had tried four times to transfer into 2nd Raiders. His father, reluctant to appear to play favorites, had denied each request. When the lieutenant put in his fifth request, however, the battalion’s officers helped persuade their commander to allow his son into the unit.

With young Carlson in the lead, Washburn’s men reached Asamana, where they killed a handful of Japanese fording the Metapona. Washburn suspected that Throneson and his force had run afoul of a rear guard positioned to protect the main enemy force crossing the Metapona, and aligned his platoons in an ambush anchored by light machine guns. The gambit felled many more Japanese mid-stream—but the enemy rallied. Washburn’s men withdrew into the jungle, regrouped, and mounted an audacious counterattack. At noon, as two of his platoons charged straight at the enemy, a third got behind the Japanese and hit them with deadly crossfire from the east.

A standoff of charge and countercharge lasted into the afternoon with the two sides closed to within 30 paces of each other. By mid-afternoon, Washburn’s Marines, exhausted and parched, were running low on ammunition and water. When a sudden enemy mortar barrage signaled a renewed attack, Washburn withdrew his company north through a gully. Two of his men had been killed and another mortally wounded, but E Company had killed some 130 Japanese.


Marines take a breather in Guadalcanal’s extreme heat. Climate and illness claimed more Raiders than did the Japanese, with 225 falling sick during their long patrol.

Not all the Raiders performed as well. While leading D Company southward, McAuliffe and his nine-man squad came under heavy fire that separated them from the rest of the company and blocked their efforts to rejoin them. McAuliffe finally extracted his squad and returned to Binu, reporting that the rest of D Company had been wiped out. Carlson was furious—and doubly so when D Company’s gunnery sergeant arrived a few minutes later with the remainder of the Marines, very much alive.

As the day wore on, Throneson called in mortar fire on the Japanese as most of C Company’s pinned-down squads scrambled to reach the relative safety of the tree line. Throneson himself, however, stayed put. Carlson arrived with elements from two companies, whose advances revealed that the main Japanese force was pulling out. He radioed for aircraft to bomb and strafe the retreating Japanese for the remainder of the day and, after dark, returned to Binu.

True to his strict, unforgiving approach to leadership, Carlson swiftly relieved Captains McAuliffe and Throneson of command. He tacitly acknowledged their valor, but could not ignore that under duress Throneson had failed to take the offensive, while McAuliffe had gotten separated from his command. Still, 2nd Raiders had earned a decisive and indisputable victory, eliminating around 160 enemy soldiers at a cost of 10 killed and 13 wounded. Carlson soon reprised his improvisational ways—instead of exposing his main body to possible ambush, he would now set traps with smaller patrols, then flank and envelop the Japanese in force.

He also discarded his benevolent, Mao-style stance on POWs. The day after the Asamana battle, while scouring the C Company battlefield, Raiders found the body of Private Owen Barber—staked to the ground, mutilated, and castrated. “If you take a prisoner,” Carlson told the Marines. “He’s gotta eat your food, he’s gotta drink your water, and you gotta worry about having your throat cut.” Henceforth, the Raiders took no prisoners.

BEGINNING NOVEMBER 12, Carlson’s men aggressively cleared the area south of Binu and west to Henderson Field. Carlson realized the enemy used Asamana as a rendezvous point, and constructed a hunter’s blind. During the first 18 hours, Marines bushwhacked 25 enemy stragglers—most of them messengers unaware the Marines had overrun the position. He allowed larger groups of foliage-cloaked enemy troops into mortar range and hit them, too. After two days and two nights, another 116 Japanese lay dead with no Raider casualties.

As Carlson was clearing and advancing across Guadalcanal, his company commanders, too, were coming into their own. “We were running into small groups of Japanese who’d become separated,” said B Company’s Ben Carson. “We were wiping them out with flanking operations all the time.”

On November 14, Captain William Schwerin was leading an F Company patrol south of Binu when they happened onto a small Japanese position on the west bank of the Balesuna River. Schwerin scouted the area and noticed a lone sentry guarding a narrow entrance. When other Japanese soldiers called the guard for chow, Schwerin led his men in threes through the entrance and into position for an attack. “When you hear my shotgun,” Schwerin whispered, “give ‘em hell!” He edged closer to the defile where the enemy soldiers were eating. He fired the Marines killed 15 Japanese.

On November 17, Carlson reached the Henderson Field perimeter and conferred with Vandegrift, who then ordered the 2nd Raiders to swing south to pursue Japanese remnants, silence their artillery, and disrupt their supply lines.

Doing so, however, meant battling Guadalcanal itself: smothering foliage, wearisome heat and humidity, vermin, and especially disease: malaria, jaundice, dysentery, and “jungle rot,” as Marines called ringworm. “All of us had sores on our legs. We were wading streams and rivers all the time,” Ben Carson said. “Our corpsmen were running out of medication.” A bottle of Merthiolate that Carson had brought from Hawaii was quickly emptied.

Ultimately, the environment claimed more Raiders than the enemy did. Dysentery plagued many men some cut out the seats of their dungarees and let nature take its course. C and E companies, in the jungle the longest, saw their ranks shrink 80 percent. In their month-long odyssey, 225 Raiders got sick—six-and-a-half times the unit’s battle losses.

Moving southwest, the Raiders encountered steep coral ridges and denser jungle. By November 29, they came to a narrow spine separating the Tenaru River from the Lunga River. Roping up, then down the cliffs, they spotted two empty encampments: one with a 75mm mountain gun and another with a 37mm anti-tank gun. After destroying the Japanese weapons, the Raider squads diverged to scout two rain-soaked trails near the Lunga. Along one trail, F Company’s Corporal John Yancey stumbled across an enemy bivouac—100 Japanese soldiers, their weapons stacked. Yancey and his six men instinctively started shooting, which disrupted the surprised enemy enough for the Marines to rush to better firing positions.

“What up?” William Schwerin asked over the din.

“I’ve flushed a covey,” Yancey shouted. “Send up a squad!”

In 30 minutes of lethal precision, with Americans shouting “Hi, Raider!” to identify themselves and avoid crossfire, Yancey’s fire teams killed 75 enemy soldiers, earning Yancey a Navy Cross.

Finally, Carlson was able to report no major Japanese movement to the east. Vandegrift ordered 2nd Raiders back to Henderson Field. Carlson’s men were now a few miles to the southwest between them and the Marine perimeter loomed Mount Austen, a 1,500-foot peak. The Japanese held the summit. Carlson told Washburn to shepherd the three most exhausted companies—C, D, and E—around the mountain and back to Henderson Field. He would lead the A, B, and F Companies up the mountain.

On December 3, in steady rain, Carlson led the three companies in scaling Mount Austen’s south face. “It was arduous,” recalled Gene Hasenberg, who gutted out the six-hour ascent on an ankle painfully throbbing from a boil he had just lanced. Marines seized the crest, from which a series of ridges radiated. An encounter with a Japanese patrol soon exploded into a two-hour battle, with each side desperately trying to envelop the other through dense vegetation. “We had them outnumbered and we had so much automatic firepower,” Ben Carson said. “I figured the BAR I carried saved my life on Mount Austen.” When the shooting was over, 25 Japanese lay dead. Four Raiders were wounded, with one—A Company’s 1st Lieutenant Jack Miller—seriously hurt. The next day, while descending hastily to get Miller to the Marine perimeter for surgery, Carlson’s lead elements strode into a Japanese ambush. During the two hours needed to rout the enemy, Miller died—a mournful prelude to the Raiders’ arrival to Henderson Field that afternoon.


Two companies helped defend Midway Island from Japanese aerial attack in June, before Carlson (left, with Major Ralph Coyte) led the battalion on Makin and Guadalcanal. After their month-long patrol, the Raiders (above) were mentally and physically exhausted, but satisfied with their success in decimating Japanese forces across Guadalcanal.

Despite the toll that death and illness took on 2nd Raider Battalion, their long patrol was a tactical success. For Carlson, the battalion’s actions helped validate not only their fighting prowess, but also the new, unorthodox doctrine he had worked so hard to instill in them.

A Marine colonel, greeting the column of ragged, skinny men treading into the safety of 1st Marine Division lines—many of them bearded after a month without razors—offered to drive them to Henderson Field. Carlson thanked the colonel but declined his offer. After having survived a month in the Guadalcanal wilds, accomplishing the objectives his way, and accounting for 500 Japanese dead with only 16 Americans killed and 18 wounded, the leader of the 2nd Marine Raider Battalion had one more thing to prove.

“The Raiders walked in,” Carlson said. “The Raiders will walk out.”

This story was originally published in the September/October 2016 issue of World War II časopis. Subscribe here.


Pogledajte video: Морские пехотинцы Великобритании тестируют реактивные ранцы